lunes, 20 de junio de 2011

Macaan iyo Qaraar: (Togane)

 
Maansoole: Maxamuud Siyaad Togane
Dal: Kanada / Soomaaliya
Ka: Majalladda “Bildhaan”
Turjumay: Samatar Maxamad Siciid



I.
Mar bay xataa dacarta dhashaa ubax dhabaq leh
Oo aad fuuqsadtaa
Waxaan ahay macaan iyo qaraar isku meel ku beeran.

II
Midigtayda iyo bidixdayda gacmood waa mataano
Mid baa maddadaalisa martida oo daadihisa maatada
Midda kale waa magli tifqiya hareef iyo sibir shiix.

III
Maandhow, waxaan hodan ku leeyahay
Camalo talantaalisan
Hay maleeynin macankak miskiin
Suke ah
Ku miigan mas’aladiisa balo.

IV
Mar baan ahay muddeec
Camalsan
Mooganba shar.

V
Mar baan ahay laayaan madaxadag
Dhagarqabe miiran.

VI
Mar baan ahay saahid u mawlac gala
masjid
si uu u baaro nolashiisa una saafiyo qalbigiisa.

VII
Mar baan ahay mukhawi
Madaxfalluuqa ka faataadhugleeya makhmarad kasta ee Soomaaliya;
Aad haddayto
Waxaan kugu tusi doonaa afxumo wayn
Jurxada’iyo
Caashada waalan’iyo
Biyaha waalan’iyo
Ilaa koobku buuxdhaafo.

VIII
Mar baan ku ahay maqaddin liqdaaran
Shataar
Xikmad
Jaajaale
Muuno
Dulqaad
Masaamax.

IX
Mar baan ahay saaqid
Daadufka magacla’.

X
Mar baan ahay ninka u ogalaanin
Wax xaaraan
Wax xalaal galin
Inuu maro jidiinkiisa.

Xl
Mar baan ahay tuug dhaartay
Aanan dhaafin
Xataa agoonka sadkiisa.

XII
Mar baan ahay madaxa muftiyo khalwaad iyo maqaan awliyaad.

XIII
Mar baan ahay xubinka mudan ee madasha Shaydaanka
Isla Cifriidka wadnahiisa dabataagan.

XIV
Dameer qabwayn
Ma isku kay taagi karo
Oo waxaa la ii sameeyay
Si haybad leh
Si wacdaro leh
Oo waxaan u qabtaa dullaal Geeldhugeeyeyaal
Oo waxaan u qabtaa dugsi Geeldhugeeyeyaal
Oo waan xuubsiibtaa oo is baddalaa.

XV
Maalin soo gasha’iyo
Maalin tagta
Maalintiiba waan is rogaa
Subax kasta muuggayga si ka duwan buu u yahay
Midab kale
Caqiido kale
Waan aqaanaa sida laysugu makmakeeyo oo loola meerteeysto
Muslinka iyo gaalkaba, faranjiga, kaafirka daanyeer
Malaa’ikta naarta iyo jannadaba way ku murantaa naftayda danbiqabta soomaali.

XVI
Ninna ma igu soo raadgaarin
Camaladan talantaalisan aan raadreebo
Ninse maalmo badan soo jiray
Mid madaxiisa wada ciro ah
Ama
Mid garan kara ninnimo
Baa dhacda inuu qaado cabbirkayga saxan.

XVII
Nin kastow
Soo qaado
Kaada ugu macaan
Kaada ugu haboon
Kaada halqabsi ugu wacan
Si aad iigu naanaysto.

XVIII
Adiga!
Kaada jooga halkaas!
Kuraygay labaclabac
La kudaankudi mas’alada
Wadnahaada ka dabo kadleeynayo
Ama midda aad la joogi la’dahay mooyee
Inaad igu kadeediso
Inaad igu xanaakadeeyso
Inaad igula kajanto
Inaad igu kala jeexdo
Inaad igu madoobeeyso
Inaad igu xanadteeyso.

XIX
Waran
Waa ku kaa
Iska soo mar
Oo marin baan kuu baneeyaa.

XX
Fadlan
Abaabso oo abraarso
Ku dhawaaq oo awaaji
Daabac oo ka gilgilsii
Fartii leefe
Fartii fiiqe
Fartii dhagax-ku-tuure
Fartii baas Aayatullah seeflaboodka fatwada
Fartii fidno wade
Faduushaada jaajaale.

XXI
Fadlan
Haadtan’iyo
Halkan
Hohaay! Hantaataca Hebel waxaad u hoobsanaysaa qalbigaada munaafaqa foosha xun.



Sweetness and Bitterness

I.
Sometimes even the aloes bear honeyed flowers
Whose nectar you slurp
I am sweetness and bitterness planted in the same place.

II
My right hand and my left hand are twins
One entertains the guests and walks the weak
The other is a dagger dripping woes and wormwood.

III
My boy, I am rich
I contain countless contraries
Do not take me for a poor miskiin2 monomaniac
Out on a limb
Hectoring for his bloody hobbyhorse.

IV
Sometimes I am faithfully obedient
Well-mannered
Utterly innocent of Evil.

V
Sometimes I am the obdurate destroyer
An arrant knave.

VI
Sometimes I am the anchorite who sequesters himself in the
mosque
To review his life and purify his heart.

VII
Sometimes I am the villain
The loony who blusters in every saloon in Somalia
Go to now
I’ll prove thee with mighty-mouthed Evil
Till my cup runneth over
With contumely
With crazy Asha
With crazywater.

VIII
Sometimes I am the towering heads
Of wit
Of wisdom
Of waggery
Of honor
Of forbearance
Of forgiveness.

IX
Sometimes I am the loafer
The nowhere man with no name in the street.

X
Sometimes I am a man who does not allow
Anything Haraan3
Anything not kosher
Go past his gullet.

Xl
Sometimes I am a thief dyed-in-the-wool
Who does not spare
Even the orphan’s share.

XII
Sometimes I am the leader of silent sages and high-ranking saints.

XIII
Sometimes I am an honorable member of Satan’s conclave
After the fiend’s very own heart.

XIV
A presumptuous jackass
Cannot size me up
For I am
Fearfully
Wonderfully
Fashioned
For I run interference for chameleons
For I run schools for chameleons
For I chop and change.

XV
Day in
Day out
Daily I turn
Every morning my mien is distinctly
Of different color
Of different creed
I know how to huddle and hobnob
With both Muslims and heathen honky alien monkey ofay kaffirs
The angels of Hell and Heaven argue over my sinful Somali soul.

XVI
No man has traced to me
All these contraries I trail
But a man of many days
One whose head is hoary
Or
One who is hip to sizing men up
May possibly take my proper measure.

XVII
’O every man Jack
Pick
Your sweetest
Your aptest
Your most magnificent metaphor
To brand me with.

XVIII
You
Over there
My hobbledehoy
Hop on the hobbyhorse
Your heart hobbles after
Or the one you can’t help but
Harass me with
Tease me with
Taunt me with
Tear me with
Tar me with
Feather me with.

XIX
Speak
Right on
Ride on
For I make means for you.

XX
Please
Prowl and Pounce
Pronounce and proclaim
Publish and brandish
Your finger-licking
Your finger-pointing
Your finger-stone-throwing
Your finger-frigging Ayatollah fanatical fatwa
Your finger-wagging fitna4
Your farcical fatude.5

XXI
Please
Right now
Right here
Holler the Hobson’s hooey you are hoarding in your horrible
hypocrite heart.

Notes
1. B.W. Andrzejewski with Sheila Andrzejewski, An Anthology of Somali Poetry (Bloomington:
University of Indiana, 1993), pp. 88–89.
2. pauper
3. forbidden
4. Fitna, an Arabic word, means troublemaking.
5. Fatude, a Somali word, implies a mixture of self-importance and connivance

Macaan iyo Qaraar: (Qaasin)

Tiriyay: Axmad Ismaaciil Diiriye
Nooc: Gabay



Dacartuba mar bay malab dhashaa, ood muudsadtaa dhabaqa’ee

Waxaan ahay macaan iyo qaraar, meel ku wada yaal’ee
Midigtayda’iyo bidixdu, waa labo mataanood’ee

Midi waa martida soora, iyo maatada daadihi’ee
Midina waa mindiyo xiira, iyo mur’iyo deebaaq’ee

Mas’alooyin talantaaliya, baan maandhow leeyahay’ee
Nin majiirka kaliyuun qabsada, hay maleeynin’ee

Mar baan ahay muddeec camalsan, oonan maagista aqoonin’ee
Marna macankak laayaan ah, oo miigan baan ahay’ee

Mar baan ahay muftiga saahidnimo, mawlaca u gala’ee
Marna mukhawi waashay, oo xumaha miista baan ahay’ee

Mar baan ahay nin xaaraan maqdac ah, aanan marinin jidiinkiisa’ee
Marna tuug mu'adiya baan ahay, oonan maal Rasuul baxinin’ee

Mar baan ahay maqaan awliyaad, maqaddinkoodii’ee
Marna mudanka shaydaanka, iyo maal jin baan ahay’ee

Mar baan ahay murti’iyo baaniseba, madax reerhaya’ee
Oo ay waliba muuno’iyo dulqaad, igu majeertaan’ee
Marna reer magaal loofar, oonan muuqan baan ahay’ee

Waxaan ahay nin is midabeeya oo maalinba is roga’ee
Muuqaygu galinkiiba waa muunad gooniya’ee
Miisaanna ima saari karo, nin i maleeyaa’ee

Muslinka’iyo gaalada dirkooda, waan micna aqaan’ee
Malaa'igta naarta’iyo jannadu, waygu murantaa’ee

Ninkii maalmo badan soo jiray, madaxu booseeystay’ee
Ee ínan rag maamuli yaqiin, waa i maan garan’ee

Ninkasta halkii kuula mudan, ay muhadto laabtaadu’ee
Aanad madaddaaladeeda, ugala maarmaynin’ee
Iska soo mar, waa kuu banaan marinkaad doontaa’ee



Bitter and Sweet
Consider the aloe - how bitter is its taste!
Yet sometimes there wells up a sap so sweet
That it seems like honey in your mouth.

Side by side the sweet and bitter run
Just as they do, my friends, in me,
As I switch from sweet to bitter
And back to sweet again.

My two hands, right and left, are twins.
One twin gives food to strangers and to guests,
It sustains the weak and guides them.

But the other is a slashing, cutting knife -
As sharp to the taste as myrrh,
As bitter as the aloe.

Do not suppose I am the kind of man
Who walks along one path, and that path only.

I go one way, and seem a reasonable man,
I provoke no one, I have the best of natures
I go another, and I'm obstinate and bold,
Striking out at others without cause.

Sometimes I seem a learned man of God
Who retreats in ascetic zeal to a seclude sanctuary -
I turn again and I'm a crazy libertine,
Sneakily snatching whatever I can get.

I am counted as one of the elders of the clan,
Esteemed for my wisdom, tact and skill in argument,
But within me there dwells a mere townee, too -
A no-good layabout he is, at that.

I'm a man whose gullet will allow no passage
For food that believers are forbidden to eat,
And yet I'm a pernicious, hardened thief -
The property of even the Prophet himself
Would not be safe from me.

I have my place among the holy saints,
I am one of the foremost of their leaders,
But at times I hold high rank in Satan's retinue,
And then my lords and masters are the jinns.

It's no good trying to weigh me up -
I can't be balanced on a pair of scales.

From this day to that my very colour changes -
Nay, I'm a man whose aspect alters
As morning turns to evening
And back once more to morning.

Muslims and infidels - I know their minds
And understand them through and through.

"He's ours!" the angels of Hell proclaim of me
"No, ours!" the angels of Heaven protest.

I have, then, all these striking qualities
Which no one can ignore -
But who can really know my mind?

Only a grey-head who has lived for many days
And learned to measure what men are worth.

And now, my friends, each man of you -
If either of the paths I follow
Takes your fancy and delights your heart,
Or even if you cannot bear to lose

The entertainment I provide,
Then come to me along the path -
You're free to make a choice!


Waxaa u tarjumay Ingiriiska: B.W. Andrzejewski iyo Sheila Andrzejewski.

martes, 14 de junio de 2011

Janaasada Blues

Maansoole: Wystan Hugh Auden
Dal: Ingiriiska
Turjumay: Samatar Maxamad Siciid




Jooji dhamaan saacadaha, jar telefoonka,
Kaga reeb laf dheecaman inuu ayga ciyo,
Aamusi biyaanada, durbaanna cod hooseed
Kula soo baxi naxashka, ha soo galaan dadka tacsida.

Ha kula wareegsadaan kor diyaaradaha reemid,
Iyagoo ku qorayo cirka: Wuu Dhintay.
U gali qoorxiro xorjaban qoolleyda surka cad ee tacsida,
Ha xirtaan booliiska taraafikada faromaro suuf, madow.

Wuxuu ahaa waqooyigayga, koonfurtayda, barigayga iyo galbeedkayga,
Maalmo-hawleedkayga iyo maalinta nasashadayda,
Duhurkayga, saqdayda, hadalkayga, heestayda;
Waxaan u maleeyay in caashaqu waligiisaba jiro: Waan ku qaldanaa.

Xidigaha hadda looma baahno; dami mid kastaba,
Xirxir dayaxa oo kala dhig qoraxda,
Qub badwaynta oo banaanay jiqda;
Ee waxna baa hadda yeelan karin waligiisa wanaag.


Funeral Blues

Stop all the clocks, cut off the telephone,
Prevent the dog from barking with a juicy bone,
Silence the pianos and with muffled drum,
Bring out the coffin, let the mourners come.

Let aeroplanes circle moaning overhead,
Scribbling on the sky the message He is Dead.
Put crepe bows round the white necks of the public doves,
Let the traffic policemen wear black cotton gloves.

He was my North, my South, my East and West,
My working week and my Sunday rest,
My noon, my midnight, my talk, my song;
I thought that love would last forever: I was wrong.

The stars are not wanted now; put out every one,
Pack up the moon and dismantle the sun,
Pour away the ocean and sweep up the woods;
For nothing now can ever come to any good.

viernes, 3 de junio de 2011

Sii Balaarinta SoomaaliGalbeed (Ogaadayniya)

Qore: Cabdirisaaq Xaaji Xuseen (Ra’iisal-wasaarihii Soomaaliya 1964 – 67kii)
Tarjume: Axmad Faarax cali “Idaajaa”
Ka: Somalitalk.com | Nof 18, 2002
Hal Soomaali. Hal Dhibaadto: "Uncle Sam".

Shantii ilaa lixdii sano ee aynu soo dhaafnay, taliska Meles Zenaawi ee Itoobiya marnaba ma qarsan sida uu ugu raadjoogo meelmarinta himilada haliilka joogtada ahi waheliyo ee muddada qarniyada ah uu dalkaasi ku soo taamayay; taas oo ah isbalaarinta iyo dhul-ka-gogashada dalalka dariska la ah sida Soomaaliya. Boqaradii taliskan ka horeeyay sida Mililiqii II iyo Xayle-Salaasihii I waxay galaangal ula tagayn xoogaggii Reer Yurub ee xiligoodii, si ay uga kaalmeeyaan tabihii ay riyadoodaasi ugu dhaboobi lehayd. Hogaamiyeyaashaasi waxay dareensanaayayn kaalmada caynkaas ah inay xaq u leeyihiin, helina doonaan, marba haddii iyaga iyo kiristaanka Yurub ay diin qura wadaagaan.

Arintaas iyada ahi si ay noogu sii cadaadto, waxaa halkaan ku haboon inaynu markhaati ahaan u soo qaadanno, waxna ka soo xiganno warqad-wareegtadii caanka naqodtay ee ku taariikheeysnayd 10kii Abriil 1890kii; taas oo boqar Mililiq uu ku hagaajiyay xoogaggii Reer Yurub, gaar ahaan Ingiriiska, Faransiiska, Jarmalka, Talyaaniga iyo Ruushka. Qodabadii dhawrka ahaa ee uu warqaddaasi ku sheegay waxaa ka mid ahaa kii uu ku lehaa, “Afar iyo toban qarni ayay Itoobiya ahayd jasiirad ku dhaxtaal bad wada cawaan iyo diinlaaweyaal miiran ah”. Isla warqad-wareegtadaas meel kale oo ka mid ah wuxuu Mililiq ku yiri, “Waayadii hore soohdinta Itoobiya badda ayay ku sinayd, hase ahaadtee kolkii ay waayday awood ku filan oo ay wax isaga caabido, xoogagga kiristaanka ahina ay wax kaalmo ah taaran waayayn ayay soohdimahayagii badda gaarsiisnaan jiray waxay u gacangalayn quwado muslin ah”. Taasi ma aho sheegasho iyo himilo ku ekayd amaba la dhimadtay Itoobiyadii Mililq iyo Xayle-Salaase ay ka talin jirayn. Maantadan la joogo ayaa waxaa la maleegayaa qorsheyaal iyo shirqoolo hor leh oo lagu ebyaayo hawshii qabyada ahayd; hawshaas oo ah isbalaarinta xagga dhulka iyo gacan ku dhigidda badaha ay ummadda soomaalidu leedahay.

Riyadaas ee Itoobiya si uu uga dhabeeyo, Meles Zenaawi wuxuu isku dayayaa inuu qorshihiisa ku meelmariyo hab doqon-ma-garadto ah iyo hanaan la dahaaray, isaga oo ay la tahay sidaas inuu ku gaari karo fulinta himiladiisa ku kooban qabsashada iyo xalaaleeysiga dhamaan Soomaaliya amaba qaybo ka mid ah. Maabka dalka isaga oo isha ku haya, isla markaasna ka faa’ideeysnaya ismari-waaga siyaasadeed ee xiligan Soomaaliya ka jira iyo, waliba, soohdimaha dheer ee ay Itoobiya la leedahay ayuu Zenaawi waxa uu ku shaqeeynayaa tabo hor leh oo sida soo socodta isu xiga:

·         Marka koowaad xoogagga shisheeyaha ah inuu ku qanciyo Soomaaliya in loo arko dal Itoobiya looga danbeeyo, iyadana wax laga waydiiyo;

·         Marka labaad, tabihii gaboobay ee gumeeysteyaashii hore isaga oo adeegsanaaya inuu kooxba koox ku jeediyo, tolbana tol ku dilo;

·         Marka sadaxaadna inuu si fudud ugu dhaxfido, danihiisa ku fushado, sidaasna uu ugu gogalxaaro falka gunaanadka ah, siday qarnigii 19d yeeli jirayn gumeeysteyaashii Reer Yurub markii uu “Hooshkii Afrika” socday. Falka gunaanadka ahi waxa uu yahay Soomaaliya oo dhamaanteed ama qaybo ka mid ah ciidamo lagu qabsado, si kamadanbeeys ahna loogu daro Imberaadooriyadda Itoobiya.

Haddii aysan arintu sidaas ahayn, waa maxay sababta hogaamiyaha Itoobiya ay uga go’an tahay tan iyo 1996kii inuu dhaxda ka kala jabiyo dadaal kasta oo lagu heshiisiinaayo kooxaha soomaaliyeed ee tartanka ka dhaxeeyo? Qaar ka mid ah qabqableyaasha dagaalka muxuu uga dhigtaa la-haysteyaal; kuwaas oo Addis Ababa iyo Soomaaliya, inta badan Addis Ababa, ku sugan, Zenaawi amaradiisana sida ay yahiin iyo su’aal la’aan ku fuliya? Waxa uu Zenaawi taas uga gol leeyahay waxay tahay inuu qabqableyaashaas ka dhigto markhaati uu ku muujiyo, xoogagga shisheeyahana uu ku qanciyo Soomaaliyada maanta in loo aqoonsado dhul raacsan Itoobiyada maanta oo ku quud iyo qaaraan ah!

Arimoha Waawayn.

Bandhig-taariikheedkaas kooban ka sokow, waxaa jira labo arimood oo waawayn, ilaa maantana Itoobiya iyo Ummadda Soomaalidu aanay xal ka gaarin.

Arinta koowaadi waa u-halganka madaxbanaanida ee ka jiri jiray gobalka ay soomaalidu dagto ee Ogaadayniya lagu magacaabo, kaas oo wali taliska Itoobiya ku hoosjira. Dadwaynaha gobalkaas daga aayahooda ayaa mar walba saldhig u ahaa colaadda labada dal.

Dalkaas oo ku dhagan xaqa ay aaye-ka-tashigooda u leeyihiin iyo Itoobiya oo xaqaas lama-duudsiyaanka ah diidmo la hortaagan ayaa u sabab ah xiisadda joogtada ah ee astaanta u ah xiriirka Itoobiya iyo Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya. Sida la garawsan karo, soomalidu waxay taageeraysay himilooyinka sharciyadda ku qotama ee dadwaynaha ay xigtada yahiin, halkaasna ku dhaqani ay higsanyayn. Xiisaddaasi waxay sabab u naqodtay labadii dagaal ee ay labada dal isaga horyimaadayn 1900 iyo lixdanadii iyo 1900 iyo todabaadtanadii.

Sida ku xusan, hanaanka federaalka ee Itoobiyada uu Zenaawi maanta ka taliyo, gobalkaas ay soomaalidu dagto waxaa waraaqaha dushooda ugu qoran amaba lagu hafraa inuu u xuubsiibtay gayi madaxbanaan oo iskiis isu maamula. Hase ahaadtee, runta biyo-kama-dhibcaanka ahi taas si walba ayay uga duwan tahay, sida aynu ku arki doonno meelo kale oo qoraalkan ka mid ah oo, aanu arintaas ugu falanqeeyn doonno.

Istaraatiijiyaddan sida xarfadda leh loo qorsheeyay, loona dhaqangaliyay ee ku saabsan waxa lagu sheegay gobaleeynta dalka iyo ismaamuloda madaxa banaan ayaad mooddaa in soomaalida gayigaas ku dhaqan si fudud loogu siray, loogana talaabsaday dabin dusha sare laga qurxiyay oo ay hadda ku dhax-dhacayn. Taasina, ugu yaraan, xiligan maanta la joogo, waxay dadwaynahaas ka dhigtay samaley waromo la’, aan cidina huur iska saarin, lana tixgalin.

Sidaasna waxaa ku baaba’day arintii u-dagaalanka madaxbanaanida oo haadtan naqodtay baal ka mid ah baalasha taariikhihii hore ee la soo dhaafay. Si kastaba ha ahaadtee, inta uu socdo halganka lagu tiigsanaayo xaqa dabiiciga ah iyo himilada sharciga cuskan, loogana gol leeyahay ummada soomaaliyeed ee xaqdarada lagu kala gooygooyay inay ku gaarto aaye-ka-tashigeeda iyo madaxbanaanideeda; inta uu halgankaasi socdo shaki kuma jiro kuwa horseedka iyo hormuudka u naqon doonaayi hadba inay la kulmi doonaan niyadjab, kacaa-kuf iyo goobo lagaga gacan sareeyo.

Ha yeeshee, marba haddii ay ka go’an tahay qaddiyaddaas xaqa ah ilaa dhamaadka inay u halgamaan, waxaa hubaal ah dagaalka kama danbeeyska ah inay iyaga guushu ku raaci doonto.

Arinta labaadi waxay tahay soohdimaha labada dal oo aan waligeed si wadajir ah loo qeexin. Isla dhibaadtadan ayaa ahayd sababtii ugu waynayd ee dhalisay dagaalkii Talyaaniga iyo Itoobiya ka dhaxdhacay intii u dhaxeeysay 1935kii-1936kii; kaas oo soo gabagaboobay kadib markii uu Talyaanigu dalkaas gacanta ku wada dhigay.

Dabayaaqadii 1949kii kolkii Soomaaliya qaybtii uu Talyaanigu ka talin jirtay Qaramada Midoobay la hoosgeeyay, awoodda maamulkeedana Talyaaniga loo agmaray; waqtigaas isaga ah Qaramada Midoobay si buuxda ayay uga dharagsanayd dhibaadtadan soohdinta ee aan la isla meeldhigin. Labada dhinac ee ay arintu khuseeyso waa Itoobiya iyo Talyaanigee ayay hay’addaas caalamiga ahi waxay ku guubaabisay inay si toos ah arinta uga wada hadlaan, xalna uga gaaraan ka hor inta aanu dhulkaasu gobanimadiisa qaadan.

In kastoo Talyaaniga iyo Qaramada Midoobayba ay wax-ka-qabadka arintaas ku dadaalayn, haddana bartamihii 1900 iyo lixdanadii ayay Soomaaliya gobanimadeedii qaadadtay, iyada oo aan Itoobiya la lehayn soohdimo qeexan oo lagu nabad gali karo. Taasna waxaa sabab u ahaa tababihii manjoxaabinta iyo waqtilumiska ee ay Itoobiya ku dhaqmaysay iyo, waliba, iyada oo wax tanaasul ah aan inna u lehayn. Sidaas darteed, ilaa maanta labada dal waxa kala soocaa waa xariiqda kumeelgaarka ah; taas oo dabayaaqadii 1949kii uu sameeyay maamulkii Ingiriiska ee markaas xilka wareejinaayay, isaga oo uga gol lehaa inay naqodto talaabo aan ku-dhaqan dheer lehayn oo xiligaas uun ku eg.

Ingiriiska oo hormuud ka ahaa kala-gooygooynta ummadda soomaaliyeed oo ah ummad dhinac walba isaga mid ah ayay malaha qaniinyada damiirku danqaday, markaas ayuu dagaalkii 2d ka dib si aan kal iyo lab ahayn wuxuu u soo jeediyay in ummaddaas kala qaybsan dib loo mideeyo, iyada oo taana magaca Soomaali-wayn lagu meelmarinayo.

Ha yeeshee, qorshahaasi ma suuragalin, waxaana ugu wacnaa maamulkii waqtigaas oo isbaddal ku yimid iyo, waliba, dano oo uu Ingiriiska arintaas uga muhiimsanaa; taas oo u horseedday inuu wax walba sidoodii hore u daayo. Haddaba, iyada oo ka faa’ideeysanaysa maqnaanshaha cod soomaaliyeed oo caalami ahaan la aqoonsan yahay ayay xukuumaddii Ingiriiska ee jirtay, dhinaca Itoobiyana u janjeertay waxay xariiqdii kumeelgaarka ahayd ka jeexday bartii ay Itoobiya u doonaysay!. Muddo toban sano ka badan ismari-waaga siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya hadduu soo jiitamaayay, soomaaliduna ay si buuxda u muujisay inaanay awood u lehayn arimahooda gudaha inay maaro u helaan ayaad mooddaa Itoobiyada Meles Zenaawi inay taasi uga muuqadtay fursad u soo martay. Waxay u aragtay in la gaaray waqtigii ku haboonaa ee ay ka faa’ideeysan lehayd soomaalida jilibjilibka iyo dagmodagmada u dagaalamaysa, garaad wadannimo iyo mid qawmiyadeedna aan, haba yaaraadtee, lagu ogayn. Itoobiyada Zenaawi waxay haddana og tahay, kana faa’ideysanaysaa bulshada caalamku inay ka niyad jabtay, kana daashay dhibaadtooyinka Soomaaliya ee loo maaro waayay, markaasna, waxay mudanayso ha mudadtee, iyada iyo waayaheeda faraha la isaga qaaday! Arintaasina waxay Itoobiya u suuragalinaysaa inay naqodto awoodda kaliya ee laga tixgaliyo Geeska Afrika oo leh xeeb dheer iyo dakado casri ah oo maraakiibta waawayni ay ku soo xiran karto.

Hadalkii oo kooban, waxaa muuqadta Itoobiya inay maanta ka go’an tahay soomaalida iyo bulshada caalamkaba inay u cadeeyso wax iska dhamaaday inay yahiin labadii arimood ee kala ahaa madaxbanaanida Ogaadayniya iyo soohdimha aan qeexnayn ee labada dal. Taas oo kaliyahee kama go’nee, waxay u tafoxaydan tahay weerar ay uga gol leedahay cadcad inay u kala gooygooyso wixii soomaalida ka haray; dawlad ahaan iyo ummad ahaanba. Arintan haddii dhinac kale laga eego, waxaa muuqadta Itoobiyada Zenaawi inay ka leedahay labo ujeedo oo isfeersocda, isla markaasna iskaabaya. Middood ayaana midda kale iyaga uga dagdagsan.

Tan koowaad ee haddana ugu muhiimsani waxay tahay in god dheer lagu hubsado arimihii ku saabsanaa himilada madaxbanaanida soomaalida iyo murankii soohdimaha, si kamadanbeeys ahna loogu arko bog xirmay oo ka mid ah bogagga taariikhda. Sida ugu haboon ee taas lagu meelmarin karaana waa burburinta iyo baaba’-ka-yeelka dawladda soomaaliyeed; dawladdaas oo ah waxa ay Itoobiya u aragto kacinta dadwaynaha iyo car-isu-taagga inay iyadu sabab u tahay. Taasi kolkii ay u meelmarto, waxaa iyadana si fudud loo gaari karaa ujeedadii kale iyo riyadii da’da waynayd ee ahayd Soomaaliya oo idili qayb Itoobiya ka mid ah inay ku danbeeyso!

11kii Sebtembar Ka Dib

Si dagdag ah ayay Itoobiya dardar cusub u galisay farogalintii xumaadtada huwanayd ee ay ku haysay arimaha gudaha ee Soomaaliya; iyada oo ka faa’ideeysanaysa 11kii Sebtembar falalkii naxdinta lehaa ee dhacay iyo maantaas ka dib walwal iyo hiyikac siyaado ah wixii ay dhacdooyinkaasi dunida oo dhan ku ekeeyayn.

Sidaad darteed, falalkeedii hore kuma adkeeysan oo kaliyahee, waxay Itoobiya baryahan danbe aad u xoojisay muddadii 10ka sano ahayd ku-xadgudubkii ay kula kacaysay madaxbanaanida Soomaaliya iyo dhamaanshaha dhulkeeda. Si joogto ah ayay ciidamadeedu dhawaanahan u soo galayayn qaybo Soomaaliya ka mid ah, gaar ahaan gobalada Gado, Bay, Bakool iyo Waqooyi-bari (Puntland); iyada oo, haba yaraadtee, aanay jirin marmarsiinyo run cuskan oo aan ka ahayn halkudhagyada haadtan laga daalay ee laga badbadiyay sida Al-Itixaad iyo argagaxiso.

Tan iyo 11kii sebtembar, erayga laga wada baqo ee argagaxiso ayaa wuxuu naqday qalab waxtar ah ay adeegsadto cid walba oo sida Itoobiya ay ka hormuuqadto dan iyo ujeedo ay fushanayso; iyada oo aan ka cabsanayn inna wax canaan ah oo uga timaadda meelaha wax canaanan kara, gaar ahaan ummadda adduunka ugu xoogga badan; waa Maraykankee. Qof Alle qofkii fursaddaas wacani ay dhaafto ama ka faa’ideeysan waayaana wuxuu naqonayaa doqon salleelo ah, Zenaawina ma aho, umana dhawo.

Sababahaas aan soo taxnay daraaddood, tan iyo 1996kii Itoobiyada Zenaawi waxay ahayd dhagaxa ay ku dulburburto talaabo kasta oo loo qaado xagga dib-u-heshiisiinta qaranka soomaaliyeed. Si ay dadaalka caynkaas ah u manjoxaabiso waxay Itoobiya kaalmeeysaa, isla markaasna dhiirigalisaa qabqableyaasha dagaalka tiro ka mid ah. In kastoo kuwaas badankoodu ay hadda cidla’ taagan yahiin oo aysan taageereyaal lehayn, haddana, iyada oo garabgalka Itoobiya uu ugu wacan yahay, waxa ay wali awood u leeyahiin wararka inay ku jiraan oo magacyadooda idaacadaha laga maqlo, tilmaanta haadtan laga xishoodo ee “qabqable-dagaal” iyaga oo huwanna ay iyada nolal ka daydaan, kuna xoogsadaan.

Sidoo kale, Itoobiya waxay ku guuleeysadtay inay sasabadto oo ay ogalaansho ka hesho qaar ka mid ah hogaamiye-dhaqmeedyada koonfurta iyo waqooyiga dalka ku kala sugan, si dhulka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya ay u soo gasho mar Alle markii ay dan u aragto, iyada oo amaankeeda qaran marmarsiinyo ka dhiganaysa. In kastoo ansax laga duri karo hogaamiye-dhaqameedyada awoodda siinaysa sharciyeeynta ku-xadgudubka ay Itoobiya kula kacayso dhamaanshaha dhulka dawladda soomaaliyeed, haddana ogalaansho doonashada qurteeda ayaa waxay si cadaan ah u muujinaysaa waxa u qarsoon ee Itoobiyada Zenaawi ay Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya la maagan tahay!

Waxaa lagamamaarmaan ah in la xusuusto labo sano iyo dheeraad ciidamo Itoobiya leedahay inay si joogto ah xeryo ugu lehaayayn, una fadhiyayn intooda badan gobalada Bay, Bakool iyo Gado. Waliba dhulka ay daganaayayn waxaa ka mid ah meelo magaalooyin ah sida Baydhabo, Luuq, Xuddur iyo BuuloXaawo. Qof kasta oo isku dayay ciidamadaas dalka qabsaday inuu su’aal ka keeno waxaa lagu dhajiyay inuu Al-Itixaad ka tirsan yahay, sidaasna uu argagaxiso ku yahay, dabadeedna waxa uu mudan karo, cidi kaama xigtee, aduguba bal maleey!

Waxaa iyaguna jiray warar aad loo baahiyay oo sheegaaya 11kii sebtembar ka dib, farogalinta dardarta cusub la galiyay ee Itoobiya ay kula kacday arimaha gudaha ee Soomaaliya in loo qaadan karo hawlo ay Maraykanka wakiil uga ahayd. Wargeeyska Washington Post ee 4tii Nofembar, 2001kii siduu qoray, dawladda Maraykanku waxay Itoobiya kala shaqeeynaysaa wadajir ah; kaas oo ay Itoobiya ku heli doonto tabobar xagga wardoonka ah, iyo, malaha, qalab iyo gaadiid. Haddaba, wararka caynkaas ahi haddii ay run naqdaan, Soomaali Alleha u naxariisto!

Mar kale, hadalkaasi hadduu dhab yahay, waxaa ay u eg tahay Maraykanka in la siiyay talo aan hagaagsanayn oo ku ridi karta waddo aan hagaagsanayn, timaaddadana dhibaadto xaddi balaaran laga filan karo. Ruux kasta oo si fiican ula socda taariikhda qarniyada soo taxnayd ee Itoobiya iyo Soomaaliya marnaba kuma uu dagdagayn inuu Itoobiya adeegsado, si uu Soomaaliya gudaheeda uga fuliyo ujeedooyin cayiman iyo bartilmaameedyo qeexan. Habka kaliya ee ay taasi ku hirgali kartaa waa ciidamada Itoobiya inay si toos ah dalka u qabsadaan; iyaga oo ku naaloonaya madax-salaaxa iyo taageerada dawladda Maraykanka.

11kii sebtembar todabaadyadii xigay ee hiyikaca balaaran iyo walaacu ay dunida saabtayn ayaa, sida lagu waramay, waxaa laga shaqeeysiiyay qorshihii wadajirka ahaa ee Itoobiya iyo Maraykanka. Kooxo labada dhinac ka tirsan oo iskaashi xagga wardoonka ahi uu ka dhaxeeyo ayaa loo diray qaybo ka mid ah Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya, si ay u soo baaraan dalkaas gudihiisa inta uu awood ku leeyahay ururka jiritaankiisa sida wayn loo buunbuuniyay ee Al-Itixaad. Arintaasna waxaa dardar galiyay saraakiil sarsare oo Maraykan ahi markii ay ku dhawaaqayn Soomaaliya inay tahay bartilmaameedka Afgaanistaan ku xigi doona.

Baaristii xagga wardoonka ee uu Maraykanku gudaha dalka ka sameeyay waxaa, sida muuqadta, ka soo baxay inaan wax cadeeyn ah loo haynin arintii dheer la wadwaday ee ku saabsanayd awoodda iyo saameeynta Al-Itixaad uu Soomaaliya ku leeyahay; taas oo ahayd Itoobiya iyo ilo kale oo warmoog ahi wax ay dunida ka dhaadhaciyayn. Sidaas darteed, waxaad mooddaa xukuumadda Maraykanku inay u aragtay wax aan faa’ido ku jirin inay maal iyo xoogba ugu sii wadda iyo hawl-qabadkii loo dhamaa ee lagu soo waramay iyada iyo Itoobiya inay wada qorsheeynayayn. Haddii ay arintu sidaas tahayna, waa dharbaaxo xoog leh oo ku dhacday ra’iisal-wasaare Meles Zenaawi rajadiisii ahayd inay xukuumadda Maraykanku kala qaybgasho ka-faa’ideeysiga iyo farogalinta foosha xun ee arimaha gudaha ee Soomaaliya uu ku hayo.

Dhaqdhaqaaqii xoreeynta ee Zenaawi kolkii uu olaleeynaayay xukuumaddii kalitaliska ahayd ee Mengistu in talada laga wareejiyo, waxa uu lehaa barnaamij ku balanqaadi jiray habkii xukun-shuuciga iyo kalitalisnimada  ee dalkaasi ku socday inay xididada u siibi doonaan, Itoobiyana ay u rogi doonaan dimoqraadiyada baarlamaaniga ah dal lagu maamulo.

Haddii arintaas dhab loogu sii fiirsado, macnaheedu wuxuu ahaa isla markiiba in dhidabada loo aaso hanaan cusub oo dastuuri ah; kaas oo leh qaabka lagu yaqaan dawlad federaal ah. hanaankaas ayay tahay, iyada oo qaynuunka la raaciyo, inuu ilaaliyo qawmiyadaha ay dawladdaasi ka kooban tahay, si ay mid waliba u yeeladto ismaamulkeeda madaxa banaan, iyada oo, juqraafi ahaanna, ku dhaqan dhul qeexan oo loo og yahay. Awoodda qura ee xukuumadda federaalka ahi leedahay waxay tahay: gaashaandhigga qaranka, maaliyadda iyo arimaha dibadda. Runtii, waa war wanaagsan, hase ahaadtee, sida la yiri, dhadhanka doolshaha ayuun baa loo tagaa.

Bilihii Maayo iyo Juunyo 1991kii, isla markii uu xukunka gacanta ku dhigayba, Meles Zenaawi wuxuu si dagdag ah u burburiyay taliskii Mengistu ee ku dhisnaa habkii shuuciga ee Soofiyeetka. Halkiisii, wuxuu taliska cusubi soo galiyay hab dastuurigii federaalka ahaa ee lagu balanqaaday iyada oo dalkii loo qaybiyay gobalo federaal ah oo iskood isu maamula, qawmiyadona ku dhisan. Arinta kala furfuridda hab xukunkii xoogga lehaa ee ay qawmiyadda Amxaaradu hormuudka ka ahayd ma ahayn fikrad daacadnimo ku dhaladtay iyo dareen aadannimo amaba talaabo looga gol lehaa silic-ku-noosha dalkaas in laga badbaadiyo maamuladii cadaadiska ku hayay ee muddada qarniyaasha ah madax kaga fadhiyay. Sababta runta ah ee ka danbeeysa xukun-kala-baahinta iyo abuurka hanaanka federaalka ah waxaa laga lehaa labo ujeedo:

1)    Tan koowaadi waxay tahay habka federaalka dabacsan in laga dhigto xayndaab adag oo lagu horjoogsanaayo Amxaarada oo ay suuragal tahay inay xukunka ku soo naqdaan;

2)    Ujeedada labaadina waxay ahayd in habkaas loogu adeegto qalab dib loogu abuuro, lagu adkeeyo oo lagu joogteeyo talis ay qawmiyadda Tigraygu hormuud ka tahay. Riwaayadda inteeda kale waxay ahayd, walina tahay indhosarcaad iyo walalac been ah.

Waayo-aragnimada laga dhaxlay 10kii iyo dheeraadkii sano aynu soo dhaafnay siday inoo muujinayso, ma jiraan faa’idooyin sheegis mudan oo, Tigrayga mooyee, ummada inteeda kale u soo hoyday. Xataa waxaan waxba ka naaso-cadeeyn xoriyadda hadalka oo si gaar iyada in badan loo buunbuuniyay. Runtii waa wax aan magaca dhaafsiisnayn waxa lagu sheego gobalo madaxbanaan oo dastuurka qoran haddii la raaci lehaa yeelan kari lehaa awoodo sharci-dajineed oo ismaamulka ku saabsan. Iyada oo adeegsanaysa khiyaamooyin iyo tabo inkaaran ayay xukuumadda dhaxe ee Zenaawi waxay soo magacawdaa madax gobalada, sidaas daraadeedna waa maluugyo aan cod lehayn oo kolba dhinac loo jeediyo.

Si kale haddii loo yiraahdo, waa wax lagu dagmi karo haddii gobaladaas lagu sheego wax madaxbanaan oo iskood ismaamul u leh. Waxay taasina aad u muuqanaysaa markii loo fiirsado tabaha khiyaamooyinka huwan ee uu Zenaawi u sameeystay farogalinta arimaha gudaha ee gobaladaas iyaga ah; tabahaas oo ay mid yahiin ciidamadiisa meel walba tuba nee sida xoogga leh u hubeeysan, kana wada tirsan qawmiyadda Tigrayga.

Mashruuca dhabta ah ee meelmarintiisa lagu hawlan yahay waa in la dhiso xukun Tigrayu calanka u sido oo Itoobiya ka hirgala. Ilaa maanta, wuxuu u eg yahay mashruuc shaqeeynaya, su’aasha cid walba u furanse waxay tahay: waqti imisa le’eg ayay sidan wax u soconayaan? Si kastaba ha ahaadtee, waxaa haadtan dibada soo shaacbaxay astaamo muujinaya in dadwaynaha Itoobiya baraarug ku soo koraray iyo taliska halkaas ka jira sida looga qash dhacay, niyaddana looga nacay.

Sababaha iyo ujeedooyinka aan soo xusnay ka sokow, muraqgigilka iyo dhoolotuska ay Itoobiya ka waddo soohdimaha Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya, waxaa suuragal ah inuu ku lug leeyahay dhibaadtooyinka isa soo taraya ee gudaheeda ka aloosan. Markaas oo kale, si qulquladaha gudaha ka jira ummadda looga jeediyo, sida Al-Itixaad iyo argagaxiso, in cadow dibada ah loo abuuraa, waa tab waligeed soo jirtay oo buuraha la da’ ah!

Ra’iisal wasaare Meles Zenaawi waxa uu istusay Soomaaliya inay tahay goob aan cidina cid ka xigin; taas oo ah dalkaas habaaran farogalinta ah ee arimihiisa gudaha uu ku hayo. Waxa uu falkaas ugu dhiirinayaana waa mawqifyada iska soo horjeeda iyo xiisadaha soo afjarmi waayay ee Soomaaliaya siday faraha ugala baxayn ururada caalamiga ah ee ay ka midka yahiin Qaramada Midoobay, Ururka Midawga Afrika, Ururka Islaamka iyo, warbaahinta dunidu.

Ka-hortag iyo car-isu-taag iyada haba sheeginee, cid uu ka cabsado ama canaananta kolkii uu arki waayay ayaad mooddaa Zenaawi inuu uba qaadtay Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya halka aan anigu wali u aqaano inay yahay aril qayb ka ah Itoobiyada uu hadda malikiga u yeeshay.

Waa yaabee, arinta ay runteeda sidaas tahay ayuu, indho-adayggiisa, wuxuu Zenaawi isku dayayaa caalamka inuu madaxiisa manjo u rogo, isuguna muujiyo inuu yahay nin daacadnimo ka badadtay oo haysta kalsoonida ummada soomaalida, sidaas darteedna doonaaya kaalin hormuudnimo oo wax-ku-ool ah inuu ka galo hawlaha dib-u-heshiisiinta qaran ee soomaalidu sida wayn ay baahida ugu qabto. Dhab ahaanna, ujeedada u hilaacaysaa waxay tahay ummada iyo dawladnimada soomaalidaba inuu u kala gooygooyo dagaamo yaryar oo mid walba uu ka taliyo qabqable-dagaal dabodhilif ah, isagu shan farood iyo calaacal uu meesha ka geeystay. Taasi markay hirgashona, adeegeyaashaas yaryar ee midiidinka laga dhigay waxay Addis Ababa u arki doonaan magaalo-waynta xaruntooda ah, waxaana ku xiga inay inay rajodeedu dhimadto ummad soomaaliyeed oo dawlad leh; halkaasna waxaa ka bilaabanayaa fulinta heerkii ugu danbeeyay ee talaabadii dalka oo idili uu Itoobiya kaga mid naqon lehaa.
Haddaba, su’aasha taagani waxay tahay: ilaa goorma ayuu damiirka caalamiga ahi u dulqaadan doonaa ama uu ka indho-qarsan doonaa hanti-ka-qaadka sidaas u qaawan horarnimada ba’ani ay ka muuqadto?


Expanding Further Western-Somalia (Ogadenia)

In the past five to six years, Meles Zenawi’s regime in Ethiopia has made no secret of its intentions to pursue Ethiopia’s centuries-old penchant for aggrandizement at the expense of its neighbors such as Somalia. Preceding Ethiopia emperors, such as Menelik II and Haile Selassie, lobbied European powers of the time to help them realize that dream. Owning to its religious affinity with the Christian Europe, those Ethiopian leaders felt that they could rightly expect and obtain such help.

In support of this argument, it might be pertinent to quote from the famous Circular letter dated April 10, 1891 that late Emperor Menelik II addressed to the European powers, more specifically to Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia. In this letter Menelik stated, inter-alia, “Ethiopia has been for fourteen centuries a Christian island in a sea of pagans”. Elsewhere in the same circular letter, Menelik had this to say “…. formerly the boundary of Ethiopia was the sea and having lacked strength sufficient, and having received no help from Christian powers our frontiers on the sea fell into the power of the Mussusulman”. This is not only the claim and ambition of Menelik / Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia and designing plots and intrigues to accomplish the “ unfinished work”, namely territorial aggrandizement and access to sea at the expense of the Somali nation.

Pursuing this Ethiopian dream, Meles Zenawi is attempting to play the game with a more subtle and disguised approach in the belief that in doing so he could deftly execute his scheme of grabbing/absorbing Somalia or parts thereof. With that “ road-map” in view and taking advantage of Somalia’s current political crisis and given its long borders with Ethiopia, Mr. Zenawi’s new tactic is to, first, make sure that Somalia be seen, by foreign powers, as being in a sphere of Ethiopia’s influence, following in the classic foot-steps of old colonialist technique of playing- off one clan or group of clans against the others and, thereafter, easily penetrating, manipulating and, hence, laying the ground-work for the next decisive action, exactly as the European colonizers did during the “scramble for Africa” in late 19th century. “ The next decisive action” means; military occupation and annexation of part(s), if not the whole, of Somalia to the Ethiopian “ Empire”.

If that is not the case, why is the leader of Ethiopia so determined since 1996 to abort any efforts of reconciling Somali rival factions by taking hostage of some of these warlords, who are more often staying in Addis Ababa rather than in Somalia, and who obsequiously obey Meles Zenawi’s orders? This is one way for Zenawi to demonstrate and make foreign powers understand/appreciate that today’s Somalia is bound to be seen as an adjunct to being in Today’s Ethiopia.

The Big Issues.

Apart from this brief account of historical perspective, there are two fundamental issues that are still unsettled between Ethiopia and Somalia nation. One of these is the question of Somali irredentism in the Somali-inhabited region of Ogaden, which is under Ethiopian control. The destiny of the inhabitants of the region has been the bone of contention between the two countries. The demand by the people of this territory for the right to self-determination and the denial of this inalienable right by Ethiopia had been a source of constant uneasiness in the relations between Ethiopian and Somalia Republic, the latter, naturally, supporting that legitimate aspirations of their kith and kin in that region. This tension resulted in two wars in the 1960 and 1970s.

As result of the present federal system of the Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopia, this Somali inhabited region is now said, on paper, to have become an “autonomous and self-ruling” entity. The actual reality on the ground is entirely a different story, as briefly recounted elsewhere in this paper. Because of this shrewdly planned and executed strategy of the myth of “regionalism and self ruling autonomy”, the inhabitants of this region (Ogaden) seem to have ingenuously been lured into this sugar-coated entrapment and thus neutralized at least for the moment. And thus the “irredentist issue” is nothing but a past history. In the course of struggle for the natural right and legitimate aspiration of the arbitrarily dismembered Somali nation to self-determination and independence, the future torch-bearers of the struggle will doubtless continue sustaining further set-backs and defeats in battle but, determined to fight for this just cause to the end, they will ultimately succeed in winning the final war.

The other issue is the unsettled boundaries between the two countries. This problem was the primary of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935-36, which culminated in the occupation of Ethiopian by Italy.

When the former Italian Somalia was placed under the U.N.’s Trusteeship System, with Italy as administering authority, in late 1949, the U.N. was fully aware of this unsettled border problem and urged those directly concerned- chiefly Italy and Ethiopia – to have it resolved well before this territory achieved independence.

Despite all the efforts made both by Italy and U.N., Somalia was to attain its independence in mid 1960s without having defined and secured borders with Ethiopia. This failure was due to Ethiopia’s obstructionist and filibustering tactics and her unwillingness for a compromise. So, the “provisional line” that the then out going British administration had drawn in late 1948-49 as ad-hoc measure is still what separates the two countries.

The British, having felt a pinch of quilt conscience by unjustly spearheading the partition of the Somali nation (one of the most homogenous people in the whole of Africa) in the late 19th century, began to half-heartedly advocate soon after the world war II the need for reuniting this divided-nation (under the designation: Great Somalia). But, due to change in administration as well as other expediencies, Britain had changed its mind in favor of the status –quo. Taking advantage of the absence of an internationally recognized Somali Voice, the then Ethiopia-leaning British government had drawn the provisional line exactly where Ethiopia wanted it.

In the light of Somalia’s decade-old political crisis and the fact that the Somalia have amply demonstrated their inability to overcome or resolve their internal problems, even with all the goodwill and support of international community, it seems that Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopia has identified an opportunity – that is, the onset of an appropriate time to take advantage of the Somalia who have become feuding clan-based enclaves, with no spirit or consciousness of patriotism and/or nationalism, and knowing that the international community, which is sick and tired of Somalia’s solution-resistant problems, has already abandoned it to its fate. This would make Ethiopia the sole power to be reckoned with in the whole of the horn of Africa, with its long coastal-line and relatively modern deep-sea ports.

In a nutshell, it seems that Ethiopia is now determined not only to make Somalia as well as international community understand that those two “trumped-up” issue of Ogaden” and unsettled borders” no longer exist as unsettled problems, but it would now be more that ready to go on the offensive for dismantling whatever remained of the Somali nation/state. Viewing this scenario from another angle, it seems that the Zenawi’s Ethiopia may have two alternating but complementary objectives. One would be more urgent than the other. The first and foremost would be to see to it that the questions of Somali irredentist aspiration and the border disputes should be considered a closed page of history forever. The surest way of making this happen would be to work, it should be re-emphasized, on undermining of – to the point of complete disintegration - the Somalia state - the source, according to Ethiopia, of agitation and challenge. Having achieved this goal, the other objective, the old dream of annexing whole of Somalia to Ethiopia, would easily fall its place.

After September 11

Taking advantage of the post Sept. 11’s tragedy and the highly charged emotions that resulted worldwide from this horrible catastrophe, the Ethiopian regime lost no time in re-energizing its sinister involvement in Somalia’s affairs. Thus, Ethiopia is not only persisting in but has lately intensified its decade-old violations of Somali’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. There have been continues incursions by Ethiopian troops into different parts of Somalia, and particularly in the regions of Gado, Bay and Bakool as well as Northeast (Puntland), without any fact-based justifications, other than the now over emotionalized slogans of “Al-itihaad and Terrorism”. The scary epithet of “terrorism” has since become an effective vehicle for anyone, like Ethiopia, who might have an objective to achieve, with no fear of censure by those who matter, particularly the world’s most powerful nation – United States of America. Anyone who misses out on taking advantage of such a “propitious opportunity” would be a sleeping block-head and Meles Zenawi is far from being one.

For all the foregoing reasons, Zenawi’s Ethiopia has, since 1996, been the stumbling-block to all and any attempts leading to Somalia’s national reconciliation efforts by aiding and abetting a number of warlords who, though most of them are in the doldrums and thus no longer having followers, do still manage – thanks to Ethiopia’s assistance – to make news media headlines and to live and horse-trade on this now infamous designation – warlord.

Ethiopia has also succeeded in cajoling and enlisting support from some Somali traditional chiefs (Isimo and/or Maakhyo) in the Gado, Bay and Bakool regions in western Somalia, as well as in Northeast (Puntland) and in Northwest regions to enter Somali Republic’s territory as Ethiopia may deem it necessary in the name of “national security”. Even though the legal validity of these traditional chief’s authority to legitimize Ethiopia’s violation of the Somali state’s territorial integrity is obviously questionable, the fact that Ethiopia sought such an authorization is clearly revealing of what, under the counter, Zenawi’s Ethiopia is up to towards the Somali Republic.

It should be noted that for more than two years, Ethiopian troops have been quasi-permanently stationed in most of the Bay, Bakool and Gado regions, including main urban centers such as Biadoa (Baydhawa), Lugh (Luuq), Huddur (Xuddur) and Bulo Hawo (Buulo Xaawo). Anyone who tried to raise a dissenting voice against such an occupation force is branded “Al-ithihad” member and hence a “terrorist”, and the fate of such victim is anyone’s guess.

There have also been well publicized reports (see for example The Washington Post of November 4, 2001) that Ethiopia, in this newly intensified Ethiopian interference in Somali’s internal affairs, in the aftermath of Sept. 11, may now be citing more as a “proxy” for the United States. The U.S., according to the Washington Post, “will work out a joint arrangement” with Ethiopia “under which the United States will provide intelligence and training, and perhaps equipment and transportation…” if such reports were to be believed, then may God help Somalis!

The U.S. may thus have chosen an ill-advised path, with far reaching consequences. Anyone who knows well the centuries-old Somali-Ethiopia history would have thought more than twice before deciding to try achieve given “targeted objectives” in Somalia by way of using Ethiopia. The only way that can be done is direct Ethiopian military occupation – with U.S. blessing/support!

During the highly emotional charged post-Sept. 11 weeks, a U.S.-Ethiopian “joint arrangement” had reportedly been set in motion by a collaborative intelligence mission to various parts of the Somali Republic investigating the extent of the influence of the highly publicized Al itihad existence in Somalia. This development was given impetus by the declaration by senior officials that Somalia was identified as the next “target” after Afghanistan. It now appears that the result of the US-intelligence probe on the ground found no evidence of the much-orchestrated Al-itihad “dominating influence” in Somalia, as Ethiopian and other ill-informed sources made the world believe. As a result, the US government may have found it futile to continue investing resources and energy in the reportedly planned US-Ethiopian “Joint arrangement”. If so, these developments are a real blow to Prime Minister Zenawi’s hope of getting US government entangled in his sinister manipulation of Somalia’s internal affairs.

When Meles Zenawi’s liberation movement was campaigning against the Mengistu Haile Merriams’s dictatorial regime, their platform promised to transform Ethiopia’s autocratic and communist system of government into a true representative democracy. This would mean, in real terms, that the new regime would immediately establish a new constitutional structure in the form of “federal state” in which s of the ethnic nationalities will be fully protected under the law, so that every ethnic national group in a defined geographical area would have an autonomous self-rule. The only powers reserved for the federal government being: national defense, finance and foreign policy. Sounds good, but, as it were, the taste of the budding is in the eating.

Immediately after assuming power in May-June 1991, Meles Zenawi was quick to dismantle Mengistu Haile Merriams’s Soviet-modeled communist system. In its place, the new regime introduced the promised federalist constitutional structure, dividing the country into several federal, autonomous regions based on ethnicity. The whole idea of dismantling Amhara – dominated centralized system in Ethiopia may not have stemmed from a genuine and humanistic feeling or motive of delivering the wretched masses from the yoke of a centuries –old oppressive system of government. The real reason for the decentralization and establishment of a federal structure was to serve two objectives: (1) to use such a loose federal system as a strong barricade against possible return of the ousted Amharas to power, and (2) to use it as a spring-board for recreating, consolidating and perpetuating a Tigrinyan-dominated reign. The rest of the show has been, and remains, a sheer window-dressing.

As the ten-plus years’ experience clearly shows. There have been no meaningful benefits of any kind – including the much-publicized freedom of statement – for the non-Tigrinyan. The so –called autonomous regions, which should have under the “constitution” extensive legislative powers of self-rule, do in actual fact exist in the name only. It is Zenawi’s Central government, which, by way of systematic intrigues and manipulations, chooses the leaders, and as such they are no more than mere puppets. In other words, the extent of Meles Zenawi’s crafty machinations, including his legion of ubiquitous and heavily armed Tigrinyan troops, in the internal affairs of the supposedly “autonomous and self-rule” regions are of such a nature and on such a scale that calling and or considering those regions “autonomous and self –ruling” is deceptive. The real project is to build a Tigrinyan-dominated rule in Ethiopia. So far, the scheme seems to be working. How long will it continue this way is an open question? However, symptoms of disenchantment and jadedness in the Ethiopian general public are discernible.

In addition to the reasons/objectives explained above, Ethiopia’s continuing muscle flexing along the Somali Republic’s borders may have something to do with the mounting internal problems. In the face of such domestic restlessness, inventing an external threat, in this case “ Al-Itihad” and “terrorism” for diversion is as old an expediency as the hills.

With alternating attitudes of ambivalence and indifference on the part of international organizations, such as United Nations, Organization of Africa Unity, Arab League and Organization of Islamic Conference etc. as well as international news media, to the Somalia’s prolonged civil disorders, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia has found Somalia a free-for-all country by continuously meddling in the internal affairs of this “damned” country. Without fear/concern of censure, let alone of challenge, he (Prime Minister Zenawi) seems to regard, what I still call Somali Republic, as being an adjunct to his Ethiopian domain. And yet, Mr. Meles Zenawi has the audacity of trying to fool the world by presenting himself as a saint who has the trust of the Somali people and, therefore, willing to play a constructive and leading role in the badly needed Somali reconciliation efforts! All he really schemes for is the fragmentization of the Somali nation/statehood into several mini entities each one headed by a puppet warlord installed by him through use of force. Such miniscule vassals would look at Addis Ababa as their “Metropolitan Capital”. This would be the end of Somali nation/state, and the beginning of the final stage of annexation.

How long will the conscience of world community continue to condone or keep looking the other way in the face of such flagrant enchroachments?

By: Abdirizak Haji Hussen
Former Prime Minister of Somali Republic (1964-67)

Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA


 
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